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Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture, by Mark Fenster
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JFK, Karl Marx, the Pope, Aristotle Onassis, Howard Hughes, Fox Mulder, Bill Clinton, both George Bushes—all have been linked to vastly complicated global (or even galactic) intrigues. Two years after Mark Fenster first published Conspiracy Theories, the attacks of 9/11 stirred the imaginations of a new generation of believers. Before the black box from United 93 had even been found, there were theories put forth from the implausible to the offensive and outrageous.
In this new edition of the landmark work, and the first in-depth look at the conspiracy communities that formed to debunk the 9/11 Commission Report, Fenster shows that conspiracy theories play an important role in U.S. democracy. Examining how and why they circulate through mass culture, he contends, helps us better understand society as a whole. Ranging from The Da Vinci Code to the intellectual history of Richard Hofstadter, he argues that dismissing conspiracy theories as pathological or marginal flattens contemporary politics and culture because they are—contrary to popular portrayal—an intense articulation of populism and, at their essence, are strident calls for a better, more transparent government. Fenster has demonstrated once again that the people who claim someone’s after us are, at least, worth hearing.
- Sales Rank: #816088 in Books
- Published on: 2008-07-29
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .90" w x 6.00" l, 1.12 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 400 pages
Most helpful customer reviews
15 of 17 people found the following review helpful.
Useful Study of Conspiracy Theory
By Cebes
Mark Fenster's book attempts to provide a political and theoretical analysis of conspiracy theories and their role in American politics and culture. Fenster takes a surprisingly contrarian view, presenting a (heavily qualified) defense of conspiracy theories as a populist form of rebellion against the oppressive power structures of our society. He criticizes the traditional and dominant dismissal of conspiracy theorists as delusional, irrational, or bizarre; and tries to deconstruct the polarity between ordinary, rational political discourse and crazy, irrational fringe elements.
In the end however, even Fenster ends up admitting that there is some truth to the traditional view. For one thing, he admits that conspiracy theory is not an effective or useful form of resistance; indeed, it is often counterproductive, resulting in a retreat into a fantasy rather than real political engagement. For another, it often results in its own form of oppression, notably of minorities like the Jews who are often seen as the secret force behind the scenes (Nazism began as a form of conspiracy theory). And even Fenster admits that much if not most of conspiracy theory is truly nutty and delusional. He tries to defend this by comparing conspiracy theorists to postmodernists, the latter of which adopt a playful ironic detachment to their approach, or TV shows like X-Files which also take a somewhat humorous approach to the topic. But it seems unlikely that most conspiracy theorists have this humorous or playful side; usually they are all too serious, as were the Nazis, or the Truthers or Birthers.
Readers should be aware that this is a highly theoretical academic study, and is not written for a general audience. If you are comfortable with contemporary postmodernism and left-wing politics and don't mind frequent invocations of Freud, Marx, Lacan, Deleuze, and semiotic theory, then you will be okay with this book. But there is a lot of turgid, convoluted, jargon-filled prose here. Here is a sample of some of the kinds of writing you will have to make it through:
"In linking various individual movements opposing a dominant hegemonic formation through a logic of equivalence, a counterhegemonic struggle can enable a nonreductive political alliance that interpellates `the people' in a nonexclusive, yet still oppositional, way" (p. 65).
`The speed and velocity of the conspiracy narrative's trajectory toward the uncovering of an all-encompassing plot to seize power makes the narrative pivot a liminal point condensing the dynamic of movement in the conspiracy narrative." (125).
"Such integration is both admirably secure at a time when even dominant, `consensual' historical explanations are increasingly contested, and representative of a popular desire to reconstruct the master narrative as a mode of expression--thus serving as an excessively integrative practice that moves beyond the norms of inference" (79).
Still reading? If you find this kind of prose tolerable, then you will get something out of this book. Still, not all of it is written this way, and there are few general studies of conspiracy theory, so it is worth slogging through the rough parts and one can gain some insight into the topic, from the JFK theories to the X-Files to the Turner Diaries and lots more.
6 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
An Academic Examination of Conspiracy Theories.
By New Age of Barbarism
_Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture_, first published in 1999 and revised and updated in 2008 by University of Minnesota Press, by law professor Mark Fenster is an account of the role of conspiracy theories in American culture from the perspective of an academic. While Fenster ultimately claims that conspiracy theories are futile efforts, his account is far more sympathetic than many of the academic accounts of them. This book examines conspiracy theories as an articulation of populism (a rhetorical style that pits the people against the elite) and that call for a totally transparent form of government. Fenster considers various forms the conspiracy narrative may take on and examines various conspiracy theories and academic explanations for their role in popular culture. The book is heavily footnoted and contains much academic jargon that may serve as a detraction for some readers; however, I feel it is a worthwhile read for what it has to say even though I may not agree completely with Fenster's conclusions.
In the Preface, the author lays out his own personal introduction to conspiracy theories and then explains the structure of this book. This is followed by an Introduction entitled "We're All Conspiracy Theorists Now" which explains what is meant by a conspiracy theory, postulating that a sinister and secret group controls world events, and showing how conspiracy theories have become widespread in modern American culture. The author considers cases such as the "Dark Alliance" and popular works of fiction such as _The Da Vinci Code_ and shows how conspiracy theories have become commonplace. The author then lays out his structure for the book and shows how conspiracy theories can be interpreted within the framework of a populist mode of discourse. Part I is entitled "Conspiracy as Politics". The first chapter is entitled "Theorizing Conspiracy Politics: The Problem of the "Paranoid Style"" and explains how various academics have approached the subject of conspiracy theory. The author considers first of all the explanations of Richard Hofstadter who maintained that a "paranoid style" ran through American culture and opposed what he considered to be "extremism". Hofstadter considered McCarthyism and the rise of the Goldwater movement to be instances of "extremism" marked by conspiracy. However, as the author shows, Hofstadter's arguments reflect a Mandarin view of American politics and a reflection of support for the status quo and the mainstream. The author also considers various progressive critiques of conspiracy theory, such as those coming from Noam Chomsky (whose own work borders on conspiracy theory), Chip Berlet, and various other individuals associated with such groups as the SPLC and the ADL. Many of these individuals seem to focus their energies excessively on small movements (such as Berlet's ridiculous over-emphasis on the LaRouche movement) and express excessive concerns that such movements are not progressive enough. The author then considers the problem of populism. The second chapter is entitled "When the Senator Met the Commander: From Pathology to Populism" and discusses the role of the militia movements (as well as the hysteria over a "militia threat" that grew in the 1990s) and the meeting of various militia members with Senator Arlen Spector. The author shows how the militia movement reflects a populist, decentralized, Constitutionalist right and argues that in their meeting with Spector they largely got the better of him. The author considers the importance of conspiracy for the militia members and the role of populism in pitting the people against the elite. Part II is entitled "Conspiracy as Cultural Practice". The third chapter is entitled "Finding the Plot: Conspiracy Theory as Interpretation" and considers the interpretative structure of conspiracy theories by examining the cases of various conspiracy theories that developed out of the presidency of Bill Clinton. The author considers conspiracy theory as desire and the role of the conspiracy narrative in which a future never comes. The fourth chapter is entitled "Uncovering the Plot: Conspiracy Theory as Narrative" and considers the conspiracy theory as narrative in an effort to uncover a secret plot by examining various conspiracy theories surrounding the death of JFK as well as the role of conspiracy theory in films and shows such as the movies _JFK_ and _Conspiracy Theory_ and the television series _The X-Files_. The fifth chapter is entitled "Plotting the Rush: Conspiracy, Community, and Play" which argues that one obtains a rush of excitement in pursuing a conspiracy theory and that this has led to a mergence of conspiracy and play. The author considers such examples as the books _Illuminatus!_ by Robert Shea and Robert Anton Wilson, _Apocalypse Culture_ edited by Adam Parfrey, and the role-playing game GURPS Illuminati (ironically the office of Stephen Jackson creator of GURPS was raided by federal agents for allegedly promoting illegal activities), and the role of the conspiracy researcher Danny Casolaro and his discovery of the "Octopus" secret government and his mysterious death. Part III is entitled "Conspiracy Communities". The sixth chapter is entitled "The Prophetic Plot" and considers the role of end-times prophecy and millenarianism among certain sects of fundamentalist Protestant Christians. This chapter mentions such individuals as Hal Lindsey, Pat Robertson, and the authors of the _Left Behind_ series of books as well as the prominent role of belief in the Rapture in their apocalyptic scenarios. In particular, these groups place a particular emphasis on the state of Israel in their conspiracy narratives of apocalypse. The seventh chapter is entitled "A Failure of Imagination: Competing Narratives of 9/11 Truth" and discusses the role of various conspiracy theories that have emerged from the events of September 11, 2001 and the role of the 9/11 Truth Movement. This chapter discusses individuals such as Jim Marrs, David Ray Griffin, Webster Griffin Tarpley, and others who have been active in promoting a conspiracy theory account of the events of September 11. The author considers the issue of holes in the official account and the role of the 9/11 Commission and their findings. Conspiracy theorists believe the 9/11 Commission has a vested interest in the state and therefore cannot be trusted. The author also considers how the 9/11 Truth Movement emerged with calls for further investigation of 9/11 events and for investigation of the conspiracy theories regarding the role of the U.S. government in 9/11. The author ends by considering the 9/11 documentary film put together by university students _Loose Change_ and shows how this film effectively articulates a conspiracy narrative. The author ultimately finds such conspiracy theories unconvincing but does note that the government was responsible for a profound failure to prevent and act on the events of September 11. This book ends with an Afterword entitled "Conspiracy Theory, Cultural Studies, and the Trouble with Populism". The author ends with an examination of conspiracy theories on both the extreme right (noting for example the role of the book _The Turner Diaries_ on Timothy McVeigh) and the extreme left (noting the role of conspiracy theory in certain African-American communities regarding AIDS as a government plot). Ultimately the author concludes that conspiracy theories offer a voice to the powerless but that they effectively nullify any political action that the powerless may take. The author shows how populism may take on various forms independent of political orientation of right or left and the fundamental role that conspiracy theory has come to play as an expression of populism.
This book offers an interesting academic discussion of the role of conspiracy theory within modern American culture. The author claims that conspiracy theory is an articulation of populism, a form of rhetoric that pits the people against the elite. Fortunately, unlike many of the books written by leftist academics on this subject, the author is at least willing to take conspiracy theory seriously and remains somewhat sympathetic even though he ultimately will deny the efficacy of conspiracy theory. As such I believe this book is worth reading for that reason alone, if you can manage to sludge through some rather abstruse academic jargon.
8 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
A Deeply Analytical and Scholarly Account
By Roger D. Launius
More than fifty years ago the great consensus historian Richard Hofstadter argued in "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" that the particular strain of populism that fosters conspiracy in American culture operates at a fringe of society and represents a threat to the dominant consensus of the nation. We may take exception to Hofstadter's analysis, something Fenster does to devastating effect, but few would disagree that conspiracy theories are much more common than Hofstadter was willing to acknowledge. Indeed, even those who do not accept them as the norm would probably agree with the old adage, "Just because you're not paranoid it doesn't mean they aren't out to get you."
Mark Fenster argues in "Conspiracy Theories" that these ideas swirl around us and everyone to a greater or lesser degree buys into them. We could not work effectively in society without sometimes wild explanations. What percentage of the population, for example does not believe there was a conspiracy to assassinate JFK in 1963? Is your theory the same as mine? What evidence supports these assertions?
For Fenster conspiracy theories are something of a mind game we play to help explain what we view as irrational. It is also a way to ease the boredom of our mundane modern existence. Furthermore, it helps to explain an overarching cynicism about contemporary culture and especially politics, which seems both out of reach and impossible to parse. Moreover, it plays to modern society's hidden desires for scapegoating, bigotry, and fascism.
Fenster's short study--only nine chapters with an introduction and an afterword--steps through several key issues. A first section explores the use of conspiracy to shape political thought and action. Here he takes down the marginalization of conspiracism to politics that was so much a part of Hofstadter's consensus historiographical tradition. He then undertakes several case studies of conspiracy, offering sophisticated analyses of the many conspiracy themes surrounding the Clinton presidency, popular manifestations of JFK's assassination and the X-Files, Christian fundamentalist apocalyticism, and the possibility of the theme in cultural studies.
"Conspiracy Theories" is very much a work of scholarship. For those seeking the scholarly situation of the theme into the larger area of American studies, media studies, and cultural analysis and criticism this is a welcome work. For those interested in a more practically and politically motivated discussion this work will be disappointing. As it is, this is a useful place to begin analyzing a complex theme in modern American society.
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